Introduction

Child prostitution is an increasing problem yet little is known about its existence. Most of its activity lay under secrecy and what little is known is gained by the few who are willing to reveal their activities. Yet what they do reveal may not reflect the truth because fully retelling may trigger the emotional and psychological trauma associated with their lives. However, recent articles have indirectly proposed that there are other reasons not associated with emotional and psychological trauma, though it is a factor, that may explain why child prostitutes may not tell the truth. These children's depictions of the truth may not be the truth to us because what they detail do not parallel the traumatized mentality we expect. Their stamina and resilience surpassed our expectations. This is not to say that they do not feel victimized or less of a human being but more that they are, in most instances, willing to give up their bodies for the greater good of their family. Thus the emotional and psychological trauma we expect is met by the obligations of these children to their family and themselves. Survival and obligations mask whatever emotional and/or psychological trauma they may incur. This raises numerous questions about autonomy versus the collective as well as influencers that are associated with this behavior.

In the following we will discuss the articles that explain the other factors associated with increased membership and early entrance into child prostitution.

A Reflection

After reading the various assigned articles on child prostitution it is apparent that child prostitution is a very complex problem. In fact, after reading the various articles, I was left with more questions than answers. For instance, Montgomery (2007) points out in no uncertain terms how familial obligations and duty are paramount in Thai culture. So much so that children are resorting to selling themselves as a means to support their families financially. Apparently the opportunity to earn a decent wage doing other types of work is limited. As Montgomery (2007) points out there were few alternatives available and prostitution was the highest paying job available. Rubenson, et al. (2005) also point to the limited opportunities available and report that prostitution was privately accepted as the best given alternative. Interestingly, many of the children interviewed in the Montgomery article did not view prostitution as something so negative and sounded of by saying “So what? It’s only my body.” This brings me to my first couple of questions how do you change the paradigm of a child who believes there are no better alternatives to supporting their family than by way of prostitution? And how do you convince a child living in such austere conditions there is hope and the possibility of a better future outside of prostitution?

As I continued to reflect on the article by Montgomery (2007) I was forced to think about the responsibility a researcher has to his or her interviewees. On the one hand research should be kept confidential, but you also have an obligation to report if there is the potential for harm. Thus, I was forced to ask a few more questions. As a researcher, examining child prostitution, do you have an obligation to inform the authorities despite agreement of confidentiality? Further, does this put the livelihood of the people you are interviewing at risk? Additionally outside any legal obligation to inform is their a moral obligation to report your findings that child prostitution is taking place?

Reflecting on the Rubenson, et al. (2005) article I found it interesting how the group of girls from Vietnam who managed their situation best was those with close and warm relationships with their parents, whether the parents knew how the money was earned or not. I also found the article by Taylor (2005) very interesting as it suggests poverty and educational attainment as not necessarily the force that drives children into prostitution. As Taylor (2005) points out education may actually increase engagement into prostitution. This runs counterintuitive to many, but Taylor (2005) argues that children who earn higher levels of education are also expected to earn more. Therefore, given the limited opportunities in the region, prostitution may present itself as the most financially lucrative endeavor even for those who have earned a higher level of education. Another noteworthy point associated with the article that I found interesting was the finding that a girl’s risk of entrance into hazardous labor increases by almost five times with every time her mother remarries. This left me with yet another question; do more stable nucleuses help to hedge against child prostitution?

In conclusion, I would like to reiterate that child prostitution is a very complex problem with no easy answers. Child prostitution has cultural, economic, and familial components which make it quite complex. Indeed, as I mentioned in the beginning of this paper, I am left with more questions than answers. Despite this, I now have a better understanding of why children enter into prostitution and some of the root causes associated with its existence.

Things To Know:

There are numerous factors that influence the likelihood of early entrance and participation in hazardous work in Thailand:

1. Education - Remaining longer in school may reduce early entrance but with the lack of jobs related to what is taught most resort to prostitution.
2. Birth Position - The middle child in Thai culture is usually responsible for supplying the financial need of the family thus increasing the likelihood of early entrance and participation in prostitution.
3. Familial Roles - Thai culture believes the children are responsible for caring for the family as a repayment to the parents for giving birth and caring for them when younger. Such a task is usually given to the girls since it is expected that the boys will marry and leave the household. Thus the older daughters usually manage the house which reduces the likelihood of them entering and participating in prostituting. However, the middle children supply the financial need and because there is limited access to morally acceptable jobs they resort to prostitution. The younger girls stay home and manages the house as the oldest has, by the time the youngest assume their position, already married and left.
4. Gender - Girls are more likely that boys to participate though they may start later. The extension of their participation, however, are longer than boys as the boys seek other jobs and/or marry when older.
5. The Number of Younger Sisters - Since boys leave the family when married, the need of the family is dependent on the amount of daughters in the household. If there are many it is more likely that the older siblings will enter early and participate in prostitution to support the need.
6. Wealth - If the family has some wealth it is unlikely that the children will enter prostitution early however, it does not deter later participation as some may feel that what wealth they have is not enough to meet their wants.
7. Parent's Marital Stability - If the parent's marriage is stable it is unlikely that their children will enter early and participate in prostitution however, if they do divorce it becomes likely. It is said that every time parents divorce children's likelihood of entrance and participation increases by 5. This may be due to the possible unwant of the step-parent to care for the children leading them to prostitution.